News   /   Defense   /   Foreign Policy   /   Viewpoint   /   Viewpoints

Battlefield has spoken: Trump wants an off-ramp – concessions to Iran are the only way out


By Press TV Strategic Analysis Desk

In the aftermath of the third imposed war, which ended with the unmistakable defeat of the aggressors, a single strategic principle now governs Iran's diplomatic posture: the defeated side makes concessions.

Iranian negotiators have already made this abundantly clear. The United States, having failed to achieve its military objectives after 40 days of unprovoked and indiscriminate war of aggression against the Islamic Republic of Iran, is no longer in a position to make demands or seek concessions.

This dynamic has become particularly relevant as the next round of negotiations remains uncertain, primarily due to the US banditry and piracy in the Strait of Hormuz and behind-the-scenes maneuvering by Israel, which has yet to fully absorb the impact of Iran's retaliatory response.

As parliament speaker and lead negotiator, Mohammad Baqer Qalibaf, said in a TV interview on Saturday, the Islamic Republic successfully pushed back the enemy despite its superior financial and material resources by employing an asymmetric warfare strategy.

He noted that Iran accepted the ceasefire and agreed to hold talks in Islamabad because the United States accepted its demands as outlined in the ten-point proposal.

"Consolidating the rights of the nation must be our main goal. And rest assured, there will be no capitulation in the field of diplomacy," the top lawmaker declared unequivocally.

That is the only viable path forward: to stand firm at the negotiating table and seek concessions, as it was the Americans who sought a ceasefire after Iranian retaliation left them with few viable options.

Donald Trump initially expected a walk in the park, as sections of the US media have reported. However, weeks later, Iranian retaliatory strikes had turned American assets across the region into rubble. The closure of the Strait of Hormuz had sent oil prices spiraling and world capitals into panic.

Trump, the dealmaker who built a brand on never admitting defeat, realized he had miscalculated. He then used his personal rapport with the Pakistani civilian-military leadership to seek a ceasefire. As one journalist told Press TV in an interview, Trump joined talks with Iran "because he needed an exit from the disaster he himself created."

As his close aides admit now, Trump is desperately looking for an off-ramp, yet none is available unless he concedes to Iran the terms broadly outlined in the ten-point proposal underpinning the ongoing fragile ceasefire.

Victory redefines the negotiating table

The third imposed war, which began on February 28 with the assassination of the Leader of the Islamic Revolution, Ayatollah Seyyed Ali Khamenei, along with several top-ranking military commanders, and ended after 40 days with the US-Israeli coalition exhausted and depleted, represented a definitive military and strategic victory for the Iranian nation.

The American war machine failed to achieve any of its core war objectives in the 40-day war – “regime change,” limiting Iran's missile program, and dismantling its nuclear capabilities – while suffering staggering military and economic losses that haven’t been documented fully yet.

Iran's Operation True Promise 4 decimated US military infrastructure across the region. More than a dozen US bases were made “uninhabitable,” including the Fifth Fleet headquarters in Bahrain.

The economic fallout of the war also exposed a grave miscalculation by the megalomaniac US president, whose mental health has come under scrutiny. With the Strait of Hormuz shut, oil prices surged to three-year highs and gasoline climbed dramatically, fueling massive public discontent.

As Professor Robert Pape of the University of Chicago wrote in an Op-Ed in the New York Times earlier this month, this war has turned Iran into a major world power.

“Iran is far stronger than it was just 40 days ago. It is in control of 20% of the world’s oil. It is now an emerging fourth center of power. … The United States is on one side, and the rivals are China, Russia and now Iran,” he wrote.

This reality now underpins every diplomatic move from the Iranian side. Conventional strategic logic holds that battlefield victory translates into negotiating leverage. Iran is currently operationalizing that principle, deploying its newfound power with a calculated and measured approach.

As witnessed last week in Islamabad, Iran does not enter negotiations now with the aim of "finding common ground" or "building trust." Nor is it pursuing a win-win formula.

Rather, Iran is now engaging in diplomacy to secure what the adversary owes it, engaging from the position of strength and authority. The United States, having initiated and subsequently lost a war it believed it could win, must now offer concessions without any questions asked.

To begin with, Washington must accept Iran's sovereign control over the Strait of Hormuz as a recognition of strategic reality. The strategically vital waterway that forms the pulse of the global energy economy represents a potent asset for the Islamic Republic to fundamentally reshape the balance of power in the Persian Gulf and around the world. That’s the reality on the ground.

The US must pay war reparations for both imposed wars – the 12-day war (June 2025) and the 40-day war (February-April 2026), both of which came in the midst of indirect nuclear talks between Tehran and Washington under the Omani mediation.

Washington is also required to unfreeze billions of dollars in Iranian assets, remove illegal sanctions, terminate draconian international resolutions, withdraw all its combat forces from the West Asia region, offer binding guarantees of non-aggression against Iran and the entire resistance front – including Hezbollah – and accept a binding international resolution codifying these terms.

None of these demands is subject to negotiation. They constitute inalienable rights of the Iranian nation. The adversary is expected to comply if it seeks any relief from the pressure generated by the closure of the Strait of Hormuz – and potentially the closure of the Red Sea – as well as from the prospect of punitive strikes in the event of any future aggression against the country.

Enemy has no options left

As per the assessment of the world’s leading military experts, the US has effectively exhausted its military options. For 47 years, Washington had threatened Iran with the same "military option."

The 40-day war was the testing of that threat – and it failed spectacularly.

The US not only failed to break Iran's will or its military capacity, but it also failed to prevent Iran from imposing costs, controlling the Strait of Hormuz, and coordinating a unified resistance front.

Having burned through its much-hyped “threats,” the US military-industrial complex that controls the political decision-making bodies now faces a reality it has never confronted in its post-Cold War history: it is the defeated party in a major war. And the defeated party does not get to set terms.

Iran clearly and emphatically rejects the notion of a "win-win" formula now. The defeated party cannot set the agenda or define the rules of the play. The era of passive diplomacy – in which Iran would accept limited gains in exchange for sanctions relief or temporary calm – is effectively over.

The passive discourse of mutual accommodation belonged to a period when Iran was considered the weaker party. That period is history. Now it is the Islamic Republic that sets the field and the rules governing it. It is Iran that will decide when, how, and in what form escalation or de-escalation will take place. It is Iran that will determine the outcome of both war and diplomacy.

The victor does not give; the victor takes. So, Iran will offer no concessions – not on its peaceful and legal nuclear enrichment program, not on its ballistic missile program, not on its legitimate regional posture, not on the Strait of Hormuz, and not on the resistance front. These are all clear red lines.

To concede anything would be to betray the trust of millions who have held their ground on the streets across the country, day and night, as well as to betray the memory of martyrs.

Nuclear file: Not a bargaining chip

Consistent with this logic, Iran's peaceful nuclear program is entirely off-limits. It is not a subject for negotiation, not a point of concession, and not even a topic for discussion.

The nuclear file is a matter of national sanctity – as sacred as Iranian soil. Any attempt to reintroduce nuclear restrictions as a condition for broader agreements is categorically rejected by Iran.

As a signatory to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) – unlike the Israeli regime – Iran is entitled to a peaceful nuclear program for energy and scientific purposes.

The UN nuclear agency has, over the years, failed to detect any diversion in the country's nuclear program, a point reluctantly acknowledged even by IAEA Director General Rafael Grossi, who is otherwise known for his close alignment with the Israeli regime.

During the Geneva talks, Iranian negotiators once again reiterated that the country was not pursuing a nuclear weapon – a fact vouched by Trump’s US intelligence community as well. Notwithstanding that, the US-Israeli coalition launched its aggression in the midst of nuclear talks in Geneva.

Now, the strategic dynamics have shifted, and the field has been reshaped. It is Iran that will determine what serves its national interest and what benefits its national security.

For Washington, this posture presents a difficult choice. The traditional tools of American statecraft – military threats, coercive diplomacy, crippling sanctions, and the so-called "maximum pressure" campaign tailored for Iran – have all been tested and found wanting.

Iran's position is clear: the United States lost. The defeated side pays. The defeated side withdraws. The defeated side guarantees it will not attack again. Any ceasefire, any agreement, any diplomatic outcome must be built on this foundation. Not mutual concession and not compromise.

A new strategic grammar

As the martyred Leader of the Islamic Revolution, Ayatollah Seyyed Ali Khamenei, said in one of his final speeches on February 1, the confrontation between Iran and the US can be summarized in two words: America wants to swallow Iran, and the valiant Iranian nation stands courageously in its way.

Over the past 50 days, the world has witnessed the quintessential Iranian resistance and resilience like never before – the Iranian people – millions of them – standing with full force against the aggressors, demonstrating what national unity and unwavering resolve can achieve.

While the Iranian armed forces inflicted devastating blows on the enemy on the battlefield, forcing it to plead for a ceasefire, people gathered in the streets across the country, rallying behind those defending the country's sovereignty and territorial integrity against all odds.

Iran’s new and assertive posture constitutes a new strategic grammar. Words like "trust," "goodwill," and "mutual benefit" have been rendered superfluous due to the enemy’s repeated follies – both on the battlefield and at the negotiating table. It refuses to learn from its mistakes.

For the United States, this means that negotiations this time – if they are to resume anytime soon – will not resemble any diplomatic process Washington has engaged in for decades. That’s what we witnessed in Islamabad last week. It was not like Geneva or Muscat. It was a different ball game.

Iran is not asking this time. It is demanding. And it is demanding because the battlefield has already delivered its verdict. Now, the gains achieved on the battlefield must translate into outcomes at the negotiating table – provided that the US stops its acts of maritime banditry and rogue behavior.


Press TV’s website can also be accessed at the following alternate addresses:

www.presstv.co.uk

SHARE THIS ARTICLE
Press TV News Roku