US military intervention in Syria poses risks, Kissinger says

Former U.S. secretary of state, Henry Kissinger
Using U.S. military
force to help overthrow Syrian President Bashar al-Assad may threaten democratic
and humanitarian goals, former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger said in an
opinion piece in the Washington Post.
Before deciding to send forces, the
U.S. should consider whether there's
a consensus on who should govern after the overthrow, said Kissinger, who served
under Presidents Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford. Otherwise the
U.S. risks getting caught in a
conflict "taking on an increasingly sectarian character," he said.
Bloomberg
HIGHLIGHTS
As military force is considered, several
underlying issues must be addressed: While the United States accelerates
withdrawals from military interventions in neighboring Iraq and Afghanistan, how
can a new military commitment in the same region be justified, particularly one likely to face
similar challenges? Does the new approach - less explicitly strategic and
military, and geared more toward diplomatic and moral issues - solve the
dilemmas that plagued earlier efforts in Iraq or Afghanistan, which ended in withdrawal and a
divided America? Or does it compound the
difficulty by staking U.S.
prestige and morale on domestic outcomes that America has even
fewer means and less leverage to shape? Who replaces the ousted leadership, and
what do we know about it? Will the outcome
improve the human condition and the security situation? Or do we risk repeating
the experience with the Taliban, armed by America to fight
the Soviet invader but then turned into a security challenge to us?
This form of humanitarian intervention
distinguishes itself from traditional foreign policy by eschewing appeals to
national interest or balance of power - rejected as lacking a moral dimension.
It justifies itself not by overcoming a strategic threat but by removing conditions deemed a violation of universal
principles of governance.
If adopted as a principle of foreign policy,
this form of intervention raises broader questions for U.S. strategy.
Does America consider itself obliged to
support every popular uprising against any non-democratic government, including
those heretofore considered important in sustaining the international system?
Is, for example, Saudi
Arabia an ally only until public demonstrations
develop on its territory? Are we prepared to concede to other states the right
to intervene elsewhere on behalf of coreligionists or ethnic kin? Washington Post
DT/SM